Technology Has Changed the Live of Teen Agers Essay Example

Technology Has Changed the Live of Teen Agers Essay Example Technology Has Changed the Live of Teen Agers Essay Technology Has Changed the Live of Teen Agers Essay DOI: 10. 1111/j. 1464-5491. 2006. 01868. x Glycaemic control Review Article 23 0742-3071Publishing, alcohol Diabetic Medicine and2006 consumption D. Ismail et al. DME UK Oxford, article Blackwell Publishing Ltd Social consumption of alcohol in adolescents with Type 1 diabetes is associated with increased glucose lability, but not hypoglycaemia D. Ismail, R. Gebert, P. J. Vuillermin, L. Fraser*, C. M. McDonnell, S. M. Donath†  and F. J. Cameron Abstract Department of Endocrinology and Diabetes, Royal Children’s Hospital, Melbourne, *Wimmera Base Hospital*, Horsham and † Clinical Epidemiology and Biostatistics Unit, Royal Children’s Hospital, Melbourne, Australia Accepted 10 June 2005 Aims To determine the effects of social consumption of alcohol by diabetic adolescents on glycaemic control. Methods Fourteen (five male) patients aged 16 years were recruited from the diabetes clinic at the Royal Children’s Hospital. The continuous glucose monitoring system (CGMS) was attached at a weekend when alcohol consumption was planned for one night only. For each patient, the 12-h period from 18. 00 h to 06. 00 h for the night with alcohol consumption (study period) was compared with the same period with non-alcohol consumption (control period) either 24 h before or after the alcohol study night. Thus, each subject was his /her own control. Glycaemic outcomes calculated from continuous glucose monitoring included mean blood glucose (MBG), percentage of time spent at low glucose levels (CGMS 4. 0 mmol/l), normal glucose levels (CGMS 4. 0–10. 0 mmol/ l) and high glucose levels ( 10. mmol/ l) and continuous overall net glycaemic action (CONGA). Results The mean number of standard alcohol drinks consumed during the study period was 9. 0 for males and 6. 3 for females. There was no difference in percentage of time at high and normal glucose levels in the study and control periods. During the control period, there was a higher percentage of time with low glucose levels compared with the study period (P 0. 05). There was an increas ed level of glycaemic variation during the study time when compared with the control period. Conclusions In an uncontrolled, social context, moderately heavy alcohol consumption by adolescents with Type 1 diabetes appears to be associated with increased glycaemic variation, but not with low glucose levels. Diabet. Med. 23, 830–833 (2006) Keywords adolescence, alcohol, glycaemic control Abbreviations CGMS, continuous glucose monitoring system; CONGA, continuous overall net glycaemic action; MBG, mean blood glucose; RCH, Royal Children’s Hospital Introduction Adolescents with Type 1 diabetes frequently engage in risk-taking activities [1]. Amongst these activities is the social Correspondence to: Dr Fergus Cameron, Deputy Director, Department of Endocrinology and Diabetes, Royal Children’s Hospital, Flemington Road, Parkville, Victoria 3052, Australia. E-mail: fergus. [emailprotected] org. au consumption of alcohol, frequently as underage drinkers [2]. Whilst the effects of alcohol consumption upon glycaemia have been well described in a controlled setting [3– 6], little is known about the impact on glucose levels of alcohol consumption by adolescents within an ambulant, social context. The purpose of this project was to utilize continuous glucose monitoring to study the impact of social alcohol consumption on glycaemic control in a group of alcohol-using adolescents.  © 2006 The Authors. 830 Journal compilation  © 2006 Diabetes UK. Diabetic Medicine, 23, 830–833 Review article 831 Patients and methods This study was approved by the Human Ethics Research Committee of the Royal Children’s Hospital (RCH). That approval was contingent upon the fact that the investigators should not be seen to encourage underage drinking in adolescents. Consequently, we only approached adolescents who we knew were drinking socially and, despite our previous counselling, elected to continue to drink alcohol on a semi-regular basis. We recruited 22 adolescents with Type 1 diabetes from the RCH diabetes clinic. The adolescents were considered eligible only if 16 years old and parental/patient consent was obtained. HbA 1c (Bayer DCA 2000 immunoagglutination method, Calabria, Barcelona, Spain) was measured, and diabetes duration and insulin doses were recorded. The MiniMed continuous glucose monitoring system (CGMS) was attached to the study patients over a weekend period. Patients were required to have an alcohol-free period for at least 24 continuous hours during the weekend trace period. A diary was kept of activities during the trace period (insulin injections, meal, snacks, dancing, alcohol consumption, sport). There was no change in insulin doses between study and control periods. In the evening when alcohol was consumed, patients were asked to recall how many and what type of drinks were consumed and how inebriated they became. Patients recall of alcohol consumption was converted to ‘standard drinks’ (one standard drink contains the equivalent of 12. ml 100% alcohol) using The Australian Alcohol Guidelines [7]. CGMS data was recorded between 18. 00 and 06. 00 h on the evening when alcohol was consumed (the study period) and between 18. 00 and 06. 00 h on the evening when no alcohol was consumed (the control period). CGMS data were only analysed if there had been regular calibrations with intermittent capillary blood glucose readings at a maximum of 8-h intervals. Each CGMS trace was qualitatively and quantitatively analysed using mean glucose values, per cent time in glycaemic ranges and ontinuous overlapping net glycaemic action (CONGA) [8]. CONGA values were calculated to assess glycaemic variation over 1-, 2- and 4-h intervals. Low glucose values were defined as CGMS values 4 mmol/ l, normal glucose values when CGMS values were 4– 10 mmo/ l and high glucose values when CGMS values were 10 mmol/ l. Each patient acted as their own control with study periods and control periods being compared. Inter-individual values were grouped for comparison. Differences between study and control periods were analysed using paired t-tests. Analyses were done in Stata [9]. ales and nine females. The mean age was 18. 5 years (range: 17. 4 – 19. 5). The mean duration of diabetes was 9. 4 years (range: 3 – 16. 3). Six of our subjects took four insulin injections per day and eight took two injections daily . The mean insulin dose was 1. 1 units /kg/day (range: 0. 7 –1. 8), and the mean HbA1c was 9. 6% (range: 8. 2 – 10. 8). Activities during the study period Thirteen subjects had dinner before drinking and only one subject did not consume any food before going out. Three subjects ‘danced a lot’ and six subjects went dancing but did not dance a lot. Ten subjects had something to eat after drinking. Alcohol consumption during the study period The mean number of alcohol drinks consumed on the study night was 9. 0 (range 3–16) for males and 6. 3 (range 3–14) for females. All the females consumed pre-mixed sweetened alcohol drinks (5% alcohol), with only one consuming beer and one consuming wine. Four of the males consumed mixed spirits, one mixed spirits and beer and one beer only. Forty per cent of the males had more than seven standard drinks during the study and 67% of the females had more than five drinks. In total, 80% of the subjects had pre-mixed sweetened alcohol drinks at some point during the study period. Forty-three per cent of the subjects reported that they became inebriated and 14. 3% consumed alcohol to the point where they became physically sick. None of the subjects lost consciousness or took recreational drugs during the study period. Comparative CGMS data between study and control periods Results Patients There was no significant difference between the overall mean glucose levels of patients when comparing study and control periods (Table 1; P = 0. 43). Similarly, there were no significant differences in the amount of time spent with either normal or high glucose values between study and control periods (Table 1). A larger proportion of time was spent with low glucose values during the control period when compared with the study period (1. 9 vs. 16. 8%, P = 0. 03). A significantly larger degree of glycaemic variation was seen in the CONGA values in the study period when compared with the control period (Table 1). The difference in CONGA values were consistent and independent of whether glycaemic variation was assessed over 1-, 2- or 4-h intervals. Of the 22 subjects recruited, eight were excluded because their CGMS traces did not have sufficiently frequent calibration points with intermittent capillary measures of blood glucose. Of the 14 subjects remaining, we were able to obtain study period data on 14 patients and matched control period data on only 12 patients. The study period occurred on the night prior to the control period in nine subjects. There were five Discussion It has long been recognized that a prohibitionist approach is usually ineffective when counselling adolescents who engage in risk-taking behaviours [10]. Many centres today, ourselves included, have instead adopted a harm minimization approach in dealing with such behaviours. An important component  © 2006 The Authors. Journal compilation  © 2006 Diabetes UK. Diabetic Medicine, 23, 830–833 832 Glycaemic control and alcohol consumption D. Ismail et al. Outcome measure Mean difference between Study period Control period study period and mean value mean value control period (95%CI) P-value 10. 6 16. 8 58. 6 24. 6 2. 1 3. 2 3. 7 1. 2 (? 2. 1, 4. 4) ? 14. 9 (? 28. 1, ? 1. 8) ? 0. 8 (? 27. 3, 25. 8) 15. 7 (? 4. 5, 35. 8) 0. 6 (0. 2, 1. 0) 1. 1 (0. , 1. 9) 1. 8 (0. 4, 3. 1) 0. 43 0. 03 0. 95 0. 12 0. 006 0. 01 0. 01 Table 1 CGMS outcomes, study and control periods Blood glucose levels (mmol/l) 11. 8 Per cent time low glucose 1. 9 Per cent time high glucose 57. 8 Per cent time normal glucose 40. 3 CONGA1* 2. 7 CONGA2* 4. 3 CONGA4* 5. 5 *CONGA calculated at 1-, 2- and 4-h intervals. CONGAn is the standard deviation of different glu cose measures n hours apart for the duration of the CGMS trace. of counselling using a harm minimization approach is that the information provided be credible and reflective of ‘real’ or ‘lived’ circumstances. Continuous glucose monitoring provides a technique whereby the glycaemic consequences of various behaviours can be documented in an ambulant or non-artificial setting. Adolescents with Type 1 diabetes frequently consume alcohol in a social context [11]. Alcohol is known to inhibit the gluconeogenic pathway, to inhibit lipolysis, impair glucose counter-regulation and blunt hypoglycaemia awareness [3,4]. Previous studies in young adults with Type 1 diabetes have shown that moderate consumption of alcohol in the evenings without concomitant food intake may cause hypoglycaemia the following morning [5]. Consumption of alcohol after a meal, however, has shown no similar adverse effects on glucose [6]. It is reasonable to assume, therefore, that alcohol consumption may be a significant risk factor for hypoglycaemia in adolescents with Type 1 diabetes [5]. Studies of the glycaemic effects of alcohol consumption in an ambulant adolescent/young adult population can be difficult. This is because such behaviours are uncontrolled, often spontaneous and usually in the context of other social activities (parties, dancing, etc. ). In order to ensure that we only reported accurate CGMS data during these activities, capillary blood glucose calibration was considered vital and those patients who failed in this regard were excluded from analysis. Just over 60% of the patients recruited were able to successfully wear and calibrate a CGMS unit during these activities. Given that patients who experience hypoglycaemic symptoms are more likely to perform capillary self measures of blood glucose, we feel that it is unlikely that those patients excluded from the analysis had a greater frequency of hypoglycaemia than those patients reported. We were unable to record our subjects’ alcohol consumption in a contemporaneous fashion and hence were reliant upon their recall. It is possible that their remembered patterns of consumption were not entirely accurate. This potential inaccuracy should not be seen as a weakness of this study, as we only set out to determine patterns of glycaemia in adolescents engaging in spontaneous and uncontrolled alcohol consumption. We neither specified the type nor the amount of alcohol to be consumed (our ethical approval was contingent on this not occurring). The data as to amount of alcohol consumed have been included for descriptive purposes only. The results of this study show that alcohol consumption by adolescents in a social context is associated with a greater degree of glycaemic variation and less time spent with low glucose values than evenings where no alcohol is consumed. Whilst the second of these findings appears counter-intuitive, there may be several possible explanations. Firstly, the vast majority of our study group ate a meal prior to going out and ate upon their return before going to bed. These are practices that we have instilled as harm minimization strategies to avoid alcohol-induced hypoglycaemia in our clinic. Secondly, most of the alcohol consumed was as pre-mixed spirit and sweetened, carbonated beverages. Finally, alcohol consumption was only associated with vigorous exercise (dancing) in a minority of our study group. All of these factors could have combined to negate the hypoglycaemic effects of alcohol. In a previous study of glycaemia during alcohol consumption in adult men [5], hypoglycaemia occurred most often 10–12 h after wine consumption when the evening before ended at 23. 0 h. We analysed our data to see if a similar phenomenon occurred in this study and found that the per cent of time spent with CGMS readings 4 mmol/l between 06. 00 and 12. 00 h on the morning after the study period (i. e. the morning after the drinking night) was only 1. 1%. Notwithstanding the fact that our cohort frequently consumed alcohol later than 23. 00 h, the facto rs that impacted upon glycaemic control during the study night appear to have carried over to the ‘morning after’. The findings in this study highlight the importance of ambulant testing. It is important to note that the findings of the group studied here may not be seen in adolescents who drink non-sweetened alcoholic drinks or in those adolescents with better underlying metabolic control. Whilst alcohol consumption in isolation may reasonably be thought to cause hypoglycaemia, alcohol consumption by adolescents in the context of meals, sweetened mixers and little activity did not result in more hypoglycaemia than an alcohol-free evening. Whether the increase in glycaemic variation seen on an evening  © 2006 The Authors. Journal compilation  © 2006 Diabetes UK. Diabetic Medicine, 23, 830–833 Review article 833 of alcohol consumption has negative clinical outcomes remains an area for further investigation. Competing interests CMM was a Novo Nordisk research fellow. FJC received fees for speaking at conferences and funds for research from Novo Nordisk. References 1 Cameron F, Werther G. Adolescents with diabetes mellitus. In: Menon, RK, Sperling, MA, eds. Pediatric Diabetes. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003: 319–335. 2 Frey MA, Guthrie B, Lovelandcherry C, Park PS, Foster CM. Risky behaviours and risk in adolescents with IDDM. J Adol Health 1997; 20: 38–45. 3 Avogaro A, Beltramello P, Gnudi L, Maran A, Valerio A, Miola M et al. Alcohol intake impairs glucose counterregulation during acute insulin-induced hypoglycaemia in IDDM patients. Diabetes 1993; 42: 1626–1634. 4 Kerr D, Macdonald IA, Heller SR, Tattersal RB. Alcohol causes hypoglycaemic unawareness in healthy volunteers and patients with type 1 diabetes. Diabetologia 1990; 33: 216–221. 5 Turner BC, Jenkins E, Kerr D, Sherwin RS, Cavan DA. The effect of evening alcohol consumption on next morning glucose control in type 1 diabetes. Diabetes Care 2001; 24: 1888–1893. 6 Koivisto VA, Tulokas S, Toivonen M, Haapa E, Pelkonen R. Alcohol with a meal has no adverse effects on postprandial glucose homeostasis in diabetic patients. Diabetes Care 1993; 16: 1612–1614. 7 National Health and Medical Research Council. Australian Alcohol Guidelines: Health Risks and Benefits. DS9. Available from: http://www7. health. gov. au/nhmrc/publications/synopses/ds9syn. htm. 8 McDonnell CM, Donath SM, Vidmar SI, Werther GA, Cameron FJ. A novel approach to continuous glucose analysis utilising glycaemic variation. Diab Tech Therap 2005; 7: 253–263. 9 StataCorp. Stata statistical software. Release 8. 0. College Station, TX: Stata Corporation, 2003. 10 Kyngas H, Hentinen M, Barlow JH. Adolescents perceptions of physicians, nurses, parents and friends: help or hindrance in compliance with diabetes self-care? J Adv Nurs 1998; 27: 760–769. 11 Patterson JM, Garwick AW. Coping with chronic illness. In: Werther, GA, Court, JM, eds. Diabetes and the Adolescent. Melbourne: Miranova Publishers 1998, 3–34.  © 2006 The Authors. Journal compilation  © 2006 Diabetes UK. Diabetic Medicine, 23, 830–833

Back-Channel Signal Definition and Examples

Backs .In conversation, a back-channel signal is a noise, gesture, expression, or word used by a listener to indicate that he or she is paying attention to a speaker. According to H.M. Rosenfeld (1978), the most common back-channel signals are head movements, brief vocalizations, glances, and facial expressions, often in combination. Examples and Observations Fabienne: I was looking at myself in the mirror.Butch Coolidge: Uh-huh?Fabienne: I wish I had a pot.Butch Coolidge: You were lookin in the mirror and you wish you had some pot?Fabienne: A pot. A pot belly. Pot bellies are sexy.(Pulp Fiction, 1994)We .. show we are listening and do not wish to interrupt by giving back-channel signals, such as yes, uh-huh, mhm, and other very short comments. These do not constitute turns or attempts to take the floor. On the contrary, they are indications that we expect the speaker to continue.(R. Macaulay, The Social Art: Language and Its Uses. Oxford University Press, 2006)Karen Pelly: Brent might learn a little lesson if his security camera got stolen.Hank Yarbo: Yeah.Karen Pelly: By someone.Hank Yarbo: Hmm.Karen Pelly: Someone he trusts.Hank Yarbo: Yeah, I suppose.Karen Pelly: Someone he would never suspect.Hank Yarbo: Yeah.Karen Pelly: Plot the cameras motion and approach from a blind spot. You could pull it off.(Security Cam, Corner Gas, 2004) Facial Expressions and Head Movements The face plays an important role in the communication process. A smile can express happiness, be a polite greeting, or be a back-channel signal. Some facial expressions are linked to the syntax structure of the utterance: eyebrows may raise on an accent and on nonsyntactically marked questions. Gaze and head movements are also part of the communicative process. (J. Cassell, Embodied Conversational Agents. MIT Press, 2000)And here Mrs. Aleshine nodded vigorously, not being willing to interrupt this entrancing story.(Frank R. Stockton, The Casting Away of Mrs. Lecks and Mrs. Aleshine, 1892) A Group Process Turn-taking and suppressing signals are given by the current speaker; they are used to defend the right to continue speaking on the same subject or with the same level of emphasis. ​Back-channel signals are communication acts by others, such as a person agreeing or disagreeing with the speaker. The types of signal and the rate at which they are used relate to the underlying group process, particularly the group regulatory forces. Meyers and Brashers (1999) found that groups use a form of participation reward system; those who are co-operating with the group receive helping communication behaviors and those in competition are received with communication-blocking behavior. (Stephen Emmitt and Christopher Gorse, Construction Communication. Blackwell, 2003)

Censorship in a Liberal Society Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Censorship in a Liberal Society - Research Paper Example This research will begin with the statement that censorship is the expression or writing repression, which is considered coarse, lewd and excessively controversial. All over history, various societies practiced multiple forms of suppression or censorship in the community beliefs and practices that were responsible for individual molding. Society censorship is the oppression or restriction of mass communication and expression that is labeled offensive, disastrous and objectionable. Various forms of community censorship occur such as moral, religious, public and socio-political. Yet, censorship is a controversial act within largely organized communities and therefore, it is crucial for people to analyze the limitations, advantages, and effects of censorship in the society. The discussion will investigate society censorship as a violation of people’s rights and justice.  Society censorship in the modern perspective is linked with enormous, complex metropolitan societies with an increased level of federal authority and technical strategies of efficiently reaching the public domain. It includes the determination of things that can or cannot (culturally and legally) be expressed or communicated to the wider public in the light of a certain socio-political, spiritual, artistic and traditional standards, (Roleff 52). Society censorship may entail suppressing, revising or altering existing information and preventing the creation of such information. In order to withhold or prevent the material from the wider audience, offensive, indecent and harmful content to the public welfare is repressed or controlled. This act infringes people’s freedom to receive and access vital information concerning their society and lives. Any societal or cultural level of the rule, whether customary or codified, prohibiting self-expression (such as nudity, hairdos, facial expression, figure or body beautification, use of language) or repression and surveillance of individual c ommunication ( through email or mobile phone) is expressed as a censorship form. This act compromises the liberty and right to free expression and infringes personal privacy, (Hyland and Neil 13).

Uninsured and Ill, A Woman is Forced to Ration Her Care Essay

Uninsured and Ill, A Woman is Forced to Ration Her Care - Essay Example Kaur, a year old lady who has suffered from glaucoma since she was a child. Hailing from a poor background, we see how her family struggled to take her to an optometrist who through and through prescribed stronger and stronger spectacles. Now a grown, married lady her illness is a crucial problem to her day to day work. Ms. Kaurs access to care for her eye condition has been affected by many situations. Ms. Kaur works in Manhattan newsstand, at her husband’s uncle, she makes $6 an hour, and she works from 6 am to 3 pm without lunch break for seven days a week. In her health condition, she uses glasses to see well. Her annual income when calculate sums up to $16000 per year. This amount does not qualify her or Medicaid or any other government health program for the poor. Occasionally she experiences eye throbbing pain that require medical attention. Her visits to the New York eye and ear infirmary, where she has been treated for glaucoma on and off since 1999, leave her in debt and having exhausted her earnings on medication and other necessities Ms. Kaur, sometimes avoids regular doctor visits. On many occasions, Ms. Kaur acts as her own physician and druggist though it is said that, with lack of professional attention, she may wind up causing a problem in her other eye. The absence of a regular doctor to examine her condition has also been seen as a barrier since she does not receive the free samples that many patients enjoy with regular doctors. A spokes’ woman for allergen explained that pharmaceutical companies have free drug programs for the poor. Ignorance is another barrier to Ms. Kaur health access the fact that she lacks a source of information about the readily available insurance programs for the poor, company programs for the uninsured this would have enabled her to receive xalatans for at least 6 months. Ms. Klau is also faced with cultural barriers, culturally a young woman in India was not allowed to work to make

Ocean Park Cast Study Essay Example for Free

Ocean Park Cast Study Essay Officially opened on 10th Jan 1977 by the Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Murray MacLehose, the Ocean Park was constructed with HK$150million funded from the racing profits earned from the Hong Kong Jockey Club while the land was given free by the Hong Kong Government. It is located in Wong Chuk Hang and Nam Long Shan in the Southern District of Hong Kong. The park has won several awards, including The Worlds Seventh Most Popular Amusement Park and 33rd Most Visited Tourist Attractions in the World by Forbes (American publishing and Media Company. ) and their vision is to be the world leader in providing excellent guest experiences in an amusement park environment connecting people with nature. On 1st July 1987, Ocean Park ceased to be a subsidiary of the Hong Kong Jockey Club, becoming its own statutory body, with a Government-appointed Board. At present, Ocean Park is managed by a financially-independent, non-profit organization called Ocean Park Corporation. In Jun 2005, Ocean Park achieved its highest recorded attendance in its history. Gross revenue grew by 12% and was HK$684 million in 2005 due to their monopoly conditions. It was then Hong Kong Disneyland was opened on Sept 2005 and Ocean Park faced serious competition. The Monopoly Days Even though Ocean Park monopolizes in Hong Kong, they suffered losses from 1999-2002. It was mainly due to the famous Asian financial crisis, while the SARS in 2003 inflict more damages to Ocean Park. The revamping of the brand logo from seahorse to sea lion (Whiskers) on 2000 did leave a better vivid impression to the public, but it was not enough. The management did not see innovation as a major factor to rein still interest to the public, the thrill rides eventually become out-dated and shabby yet Ocean Park remain contented with their current status. The huge investment on the Abyss Turbo Drop was a good start to innovate, but it does not give the public the urge to take a 2nd ride. Activities and festival events ideas were further introduce to attract the public which manage to receive great response from the public. Eventually, employees create a work culture and comfort zone which retards the Ocean Park’s reengineering policy, though the management realizes the need of culturing innovation. The workforce resisted the change and become reluctant and worried about facing the new challenges ahead. The Intervention of Hong Kong Disneyland On Sept 2005, 3rd Disneyland from Joint venture Walt Disney and Hong Kong SAR government was set up with their selling points on those famous Disney Cartoon Characters. Though the admission fees were much higher compare relatively to Ocean Park, their price was considered the cheapest entry for Disneyland and new thrill rides definitely act as surprises for the public who already attended Ocean Park before and acts as an option between the two strong rivals. In terms of attractions, Both Ocean Park and Disneyland have their unique selling point to have a fair market share in Hong Kong. Ocean Park is primarily focusing on nature and wildlife, providing educational to the public on animals while Disneyland emphasis on creating fantasy and virtual stimulations. With sure fierce confrontation from Disneyland, Ocean Park has to seek an immediate response to prevent them for doom. They fought back by introducing new roller coaster and aquarium; build hotels nearby to go head-on-head with Disneyland which always come with hotels for tourists. Major Problem Ocean Park faced Ocean Park already faced shortage of talented and educated employees, due to the fact that the majority of these employees tend to favor finance sector than tourism industry, The great demand is further enhance as Disneyland is competing with Ocean Park for these talents. In terms of career opportunities and prospect, Disneyland has the upper hand over Ocean Park. To add salt to injury, Disney is deemed to poach Ocean Park’s best workers. 3-way attack for Ocean Park (Defender Strategy) I will propose and advise on the management of Ocean Park a 3-way attack to have the lion share of the pie between the two rivals. *** Pricing Package/ Educational package Since Ocean Park has the advantage over Disney over the price of the tickets, I will propose the management team to setup a sales team to target the school and students. Implementation educational tour packages to Mainland/ Hong Kong students will eventually be interesting for school to organize excursion and post-exam events. Disney is more to a virtual land; they cannot provide the educational aspects as compare to Ocean Park. *** Human Resource Management (HRM) The ability of employees is essential to every organization. The management needs to introduce better remuneration packages, better salary wages for staffs whom they interested in keeping and bloom them. A lucrative pension scheme may be able to keep the current employees loyal. Next, provide strict interviews for new employees and send all the employees to service training to brush up their public relation skills to provide a class of service way above Disneyland. *** Innovation The ability to innovate will determine who has the lion share in the Hong Kong Market. Word of mouth is definitely the best form of advertisement. The only reason why tourists will intro to their friends/family the amusement park is fun and thrilling. Since the majority of the tourists are from Mainland (China) , it will be wise if they can do a short survey to poll the public what types of excitement they looking for in amusement park and begin source and introduce new fantastic rides. Take reference on those abroad amusement parks and why they are always so attractive to the public. Furthermore, Ocean Park can organize monthly events with relation to public holidays or the season with attractive discounts towards the price of the tickets. Conclusion. In terms of all rounder, Ocean Park definitely has the edge. The combination of high octane, thrills and spills rides, with superb, and educational, state of the art marine shows and exhibitions is unbeatable. Ocean Park has a pair of superb rollercoasters, a log flume and rapids ride. There are also a number of mid range action rides, meaning there is plenty to keep the family going all day. Disneyland on the other hand has only one rollercoaster and almost no mid range action rides, meaning anyone over the age of ten will be quickly bored. On the other hand, Disney does have a slightly better selection of toddler and young rides, although Ocean Park is also no slouch in this department. Furthermore, Ocean Parks selection of Marine shows are also first class, including shark aquariums, dolphin shows and the superb, sci-fi styled Jellyfish exhibit which provide a extra field of education. Disneyland has nothing to compete with these excellent family friendly shows. In conclusion, Ocean Park will eventually edge out Disneyland, proving that local companies can still compete head to head with big MNCs (Multi-national Company) References http://www. usatoday. com/news/world/2007-06-14-ocean-park_N. htm http://www. docstoc. com/docs/17307909/Ocean-Park-VS-Disney-As-we-know_-Ocean-Park-and-Disney-Park-are http://gohongkong. about. com/od/themeparks/a/OceanvsDisney. htm http://www. articlesbase. com/destinations-articles/hong-kongs-oceanic-aquarium-ocean-park-vs-hong-kong-disneyland-3530410. html.

The Contemporary Relevance of Albert Camus Essay -- Albert Camus Essay

The Contemporary Relevance of Albert Camus ABSTRACT: After 350 years of continual social transformations under the push of industrialization, capitalism, world-wide social revolutions, and the development of modern science, what reasonably remains of the traditional faith in divine transcendence and providential design except a deep-felt, almost 'ontological' yearning for transcendence? Torn between outmoded religious traditions and an ascendant secular world, the contemporary celebration of individuality only makes more poignant the need for precisely that religious consolation that public life increasingly denies. People must now confront the meaning of their lives without the assured aid of transcendent purpose and direction. The resulting sense of absence profoundly marks the contemporary world. Confronted with the theoretical problems posed by the absence of absolute values, and the historical problems posed by contemporary social movements, Camus dramatized the urgency of developing guides to humane conduct in a world w ithout transcendence. He continued to believe that only when the dignity of the worker and the respect for intelligence are accorded their rightful place can human existence hope to realize its highest ideals, and our life find the collective meaning and purpose that alone can truly sustain us in the face of an infinite and indifferent universe. Celebrating individuality, our age invites us to express our feelings and realize our goals. It promotes happiness, while seeking to accommodate traditional moral values. But the focus on personal existence only makes the realization of death's inevitability more threatening. Torn between an outmoded religious tradition and a secular world on the ascendency, o... ...was no longer to be a matter of status and deference, but of function and quality of performance. And decisions were to be made by the involved collective, respecting the dignity and legitimate interests of all participants. While not despising the arts of "high culture" — though always quite uncomfortable with their mores — the renaissance always meant for Camus the qualitative transformation of daily life, the creation of dialogic communities at work and at home that gave voice and sustenance to the struggles for dignity of ordinary people. He continued to believe that only when the dignity of the worker and the respect for intelligence are accorded their rightful place can human existence hope to realize its highest ideals, and our life find the collective meaning and purpose that alone can truly sustain us in the face of an infinite and indifferent universe.

My Ántonia, Individualism Essay

(Individualism: Its Influence over Lena, Jim and à ntonia During Their Childhood, Adolescence and Adulthood) â€Å"The longest journey is the journey inwards. Of him who has chosen his destiny, Who has started upon his quest for the source of his being†Ã¢â‚¬â€ Dag Hammarskjold.1 This individualist journey, Hammarskjold refers to, consists of two very important elements which contribute to individualism: (1) having the awareness of personal accountability before the Lord and Savior and (2) having a self-sufficient nature as a fountainhead of a person’s individuality which was required to settle the American frontier. These key ingredients mixed with an untamed land tempered the settlers into what we know them today as Americans which may be observed within Willa Cather’s My Antonia as the reader follows the lives of three key characters: Lena, Jimmy, and Antonia. Cather herself searched for her own individualism which she juxtaposed in this 1918 literary work with the character Jimmy. Both he and the author of the story were born in Virginia and at an early age were sent to Nebraska to join their grandparents. And much like the author, he had the pleasure of growing up with a variety of immigrants and stories. Such narratives inspired the author throughout her writing career. My Antonia follows the endeavors of the female protagonist, Antonia, and her foil, Lena, as they struggle in a new country, language, and culture seeking happiness and fulfillment in their lives which Cather so often observed in her childhood immigrant neighbors. Likewise, the reader learns about Jimmy with his own personal struggles as he strives for autonomy in a rugged territory with strict moral codes. Willa Cather’s My à ntonia addresses the notion of individualism which is best seen through direct and indirect characterization of three dynamic characters: Lena, Jimmy, and à ntonia by means of analyzing three stages of life: childhood, youth, and adulthood. A remarkable example of individualistic growth is depicted in Lena Lingard who lived in the countryside with her newly transplanted Norwegian family outside Black Hawk, Nebraska. The reader first encounters Lena through direct characterization as she is described as being â€Å"bareheaded and barefooted, scantily dressed in tattered clothing† (106)2 when she was just a child looking after her family’s herd. In the first part of the book she is introduced as a wild, poorly dressed working girl in charge of farm tasks much like other foreign girls: â€Å"Lena lived in the Norwegian settlement west of Squaw Creek, and she used to herd her father’s cattle in the open country between his place and the Shimerdas† (106). Further along in the novel, there is a clear change in this character’s life. She grows-up and changes her worn out rags for dressmaker quality clothing with hat and gloves as she begins a new phase in her life as a dressmaker’s apprentice in the town of Black Hawk: â€Å"’So you have come to town,’ said Mrs. Harling, her eyes still fixed on Lena.  ´Where are you working?’  ´For Mrs. Thomas, the dressmaker. She is going to teach me to sew. She says I have quite a knack’† (104). As a young adult, Lena strikes-out on her own to the city of Lincoln in a supreme final exhibition of the independence she has forged for herself throughout her life through hard work and determination. â€Å"‘I live in Lincoln now, too, Jim. I’m in business for myself. I have a dressmaking shop in the Raleigh Block, out on O Street. I’ve made a real good start’† (170-171). The path Lena has walked since her childhood, through her adolescence, and then adulthood has illustrated a noticeable achievement in becoming a self-sufficient young woman who quested for her destiny in an untamed land far from her native home. Lena’s personal accountability should also be explored, being one of the key elements of individualism, as she never turned her back on her family but always sent them money from her sewing work: â€Å"’After I learn to do sewing, I can make money and help . . . [my mother]’† (104). These individualistic elements were key in developing her character as she was noted in taking care of herself as well as her parents and siblings which was required of those immigrants who founded America and became a new breed of people known as Americans. Individualism was also reached by two other primary characters within this classic American literature novel: Jimmy and Antonia. Jim Burden, the narrator of the story and also one of the major characters of Willa Cather ´s My Antonia, is as well and important example of how a human being can evolve trough his life to find completeness and self-sufficiency. At the beginning of the book, Jim had just suffered the loss of his parents; and sent to his grandparents. While he was in the train on his way to Nebraska he was in deep grieve and uncertain about his future. â€Å" ´ I don’t think I was homesick. If we never arrived anywhere, it did not matter. Between that earth and that sky I felt erased, blotted out. I did not say my prayers that night: here, I felt, what would be would be ´Ã¢â‚¬ . Nevertheless, that sad passage in his life did not let Jim down. In the same train that he was travelling there was a Bohemian family. One of the members of that family was à ntonia Shimerda, who would become his best friend in the near future. When Jim had enough age to start studying at School, coincidentally his grandparents also had to move to Black Hawk due to Mrs. Burden health situation. There he met new friends, worked hard on his studies, and also had fun. Despite being sad and scared in the past, Jim managed to overcome these difficulties and successfully improve at school. So much so, that soon he would move to Lincoln to start his college career. There he met Gaston Cleric who joined him in his new adventure, and helped Jim to get over some obstacles that he had to face while living in Lincoln. â€Å"At the university I had the good fortune to come immediately under the influence of a brilliant and inspiring young scholar. Gaston Cleric had arrived in Lincoln only a few weeks earlier than I . . .† (165). Cleric also convinced him to move to Boston to finish his career, where Jim would finally reach his goal of becoming a professional. â€Å"Two years after I left Lincoln I completed my academic course at Harvard. Before I entered the Law School I went home for the summer vacation.† (191) Just after getting his college degree, Jim travelled back to Black Hawk where he would find everything different, his friends either dead or gone, the kids were not the same, and even the town itself was all changed. He left Black Hawk being an adolescent with dreams and now he had returned as a professional. He felt he was complete, despite of the fact that he still had very present that sorrowful night in which he was moving from Virginia to Nebraska. â€Å" ´I had only to close my eyes to hear the rumbling of the wagons in the dark, and to be again overcome by that obliterating strangeness. The feelings of that night were so near that I could reach out and touch them with my hand. I had the sense of coming home to myself, and of having found out what a little circle man’s experience is ´. (238)† By the time he came back to Black Hawk he knew that he had seized the opportunities he had and felt that his life had been worthy living. While back in town, he went to visit his beloved friend à ntonia, which also was happy. The happenings in Antonia’s life, and how she evolved from being a little girl in a foreign country to the women she became will be thoroughly developed next. à ntonia Shimerda is the main character that we find in Willa Cather’s My à ntonia. As well as Lena and Jim she is characterized during different stages of her life (childhood, adolescence and adulthood). One example of this characterization is portrayed in how à ntonia was developing her new language (English) and how it was influenced by the different periods of time she went through, as well as the places she moved to. At the beginning of the story we find à ntonia and her family moving from Bohemia to the prairie of Nebraska. In the prairie and as a child she met Lena Lingard and Jim Burden who would become one of the most important persons in her life. Jim was going to be the one in charge of teaching English to à ntonia who did not speak much English before the arrival to the prairie; â€Å" ´Ãƒ ntonia had opinions about everything, and she was soon able to make them known. Almost every day she came running across the prairie to have her reading lesson with me. Mrs. Shimerda grumbled, but realized it was important that one member of the family should learn English’† (24). It is evident that Mrs. Shimerda did not like the idea of à ntonia learning English. But, she understood it was important for à ntonia to learn the language in order to adapt herself and to find herself in her new country and home, also this would help à ntonia to take care of her family as she felt it as an obligation. As à ntonia was evolving her English was growing with her and with this some traits of her personality too. As explained before in the paper, Jim had to move to Black Hawk due to study reasons, but it was not going to be a long time before à ntonia also moved to Black Hawk, but with different intentions from one’s of Jim. à ntonia moved to Black Hawk to get a job, here she runs into Jim and Lena again. Now in her adolescence Jim says that à ntonia has very good English, â€Å"Tony learned English so quickly that by the time school began she could speak as well as any of us† (107). This shows that à ntonia kept practicing English to improve herself, as she felt that was one way to become better to help her family, and now in Black Hawk and with her job it was evident how the improvement in her English helped her. However, à ntonia would began to attend to dances with her friend Lena and this would carry a lot of problems with it for her, including losing her job because she did not want to quit attending to dances as requested by her bosses. The story carried on and further ahead in the story, when Jim comes back from Lincoln and the time he spent at Harvard to finish his studies, he finds a happily married grown-up à ntonia with children. à ntonia had married a bohemian guy called Anton and now she has a family, and she is very happy with them. While Jim is talking with à ntonia, he notices that her English has become bad as it used to be when she was a child and she was learning it. à ntonia tells him that now she has many troubles with English because at home they speak almost only in Bohemian, â€Å" ´I can’t think of what I want to say, you’ve got me so stirred up. And then, I’ve forgot my English so. I don’t often talk it any more. I tell the children I used to speak real well. She said they always spoke Bohemian at home. The little ones could not speak English at all—didn’t learn it until they went to school† (224). Now in her adulthood à ntonia was really worried and a good mother as well as a good wife who take care of her family. Here is where the change that à ntonia suffered from childhood to adolescence to adulthood is characterized, how she passed from a little girl to a loving mother. Throughout this essay three fundamental characters that we find in the novel My à ntonia by the author Willa Cather have been characterized, these characters are: Lena Lingard, Jim Burden and à ntonia Shimerda. The characterization of these characters has been done under the perception of individualism that is represented with each one of them. This perception of individualism of the characters has been shown based on the pursuit for autonomy that each character went through. At the same time three different moments in characters lives’ were chosen to describe them; the childhood, adolescence and adulthood. These moments in character’s lives’ were chosen because they are prior important stages in a person’s life. So, it was important to illustrate how the notion of individualism of each character could be characterized in these stages, taking into account crucial aspects that the characters faced in the search for themselves. Examples of these important aspects faced by the characters are a new country, language and culture in the case of Lena and à ntonia. Another example is the personal struggles of Jim as he attempts for autonomy in a rugged territory with strict moral codes.

Listening to Rap: Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance

Listening to Rap: Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance Julian Tanner, University of Toronto Mark Asbridge, Dalhousie University Scot Wortley, University of Toronto This research compares representations of rap music with the self-reported criminal behavior and resistant artirudes of the music's core audience. Our database is a large sample of Toronro high school studenrs (n = 3,393) from which we identify a group of listeners, whose combination of musical likes and dislikes distinguish them as rap univores. We then examine the relationship between their cultural preference for rap music and involvement in a culture of crime and their perceptions of social injustice and inequity. We find thar the rap univores, also known as urban music enthusiasts, report significantly more delinquent behavior and stronger feelings of inequity and injustice than listeners with other musical tastes. However, we also find thar the nature and strengths of those relationships vary according to rhe racial identity of different groups within urban music enthusiasts. Black and white subgroups align themselves with resistance representations while Asians do not; whites and Asians report significant involvement in crime and delinquency, while blacks do not. Finally, we discuss our findings in light of research on media effects and audience reception, youth subcultures and post-subcultural analysis, and the sociology of cultural consumption. Thinking About Rap The emergence and spectacular growth of rap is probably the most important development in popular music since the rise of rock ‘n' roll in the late 1940s. Radio airplay, music video programming and sales figures are obvious testimonies to its popularity and commercial success. This was made particularly evident in October 2003 when, according to the recording industry bible Billboard mzgnzme, all top 10 acts in the United States were rap or hip-hop artists;' and again in 2006, when the Academy award for Best Song went to It's Hard Out Here for a Pimp, a rap song by the group Husde & Flow. Such developments may also signal rap's increasing social acceptance and cultural legitimization (Baumann 2007). However, its reputation and status in the musical field has, hitherto, been a controversial one. Like new music before it (jazz, rock ‘n' roll), rap has been critically reviewed as a corrosive influence on young and impressionable listeners (Best 1990; Tatum 1999; Tanner 2001; Sacco and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003). Whether rap has been reviled as much as jazz and rock ‘n' roll once were is a moot point; rather more certain is its pre-eminent role as a problematic contemporary musical genre. Direct correspondence to Julian Tanner, Department of Social Science University of Toronto at Scarborough, 1265Military Trail, Scarborough, Ontario, Canada, MIC 1A4. Telephone: (416) 287-7293. E-mail: Julian. [email  protected] ca. † rh8 Uniiersily of North Carolina Press Social Forces 88121 693-722, December 2009 694 †¢ Social Forces 88(2) In an important study of representations of popular music. Binder (1993) examined how print journalists wrote about rap and heavy metal in the 1980s and 1990s. While both are devalued genres (Roe 1995), she nevertheless contends that they are framed differently: the presumed harmful effects of heavy metal are limited to the listeners themselves, whereas rap is seen as more socially damaging (for a similar distinction, see Rose 1994). The lyrical content of the two genres is established as one source of this differential framing: rap lyrics are found to be more explicit and provocative (greater usage of â€Å"hard† swear words, for example) than heavy metal lyrics. The second factor involves assumptions made (by journalists) about the racial composition of audiences for heavy metal and rap-the former believed to be white suburban youth, the latter urban black youth. According to Binder, rap invites more public concern and censorious complaint than heavy metal because of what was assumed to be its largely black fan base. At the same time, she identifies an important counter frame, one component of which elevates rap (but not heavy metal) to the status of an art form with serious political content. In both the mainstream press (i. e.. The New York Times) and publications targeting a predominately black readership (i. e.. Ebony and/^i), she finds rap lauded for the salutary lessons that it imparts to black youth regarding the realities of urban living; likewise, rap artists are applauded for their importance as role models and mentors to inner-city black youth. Thus, while rap has been framed negatively, as a contributor to an array of social problems, crime and delinquency in particular, it has also been celebrated and championed as an authentic expression of cultural resistance by underdogs against racial exploitation and disadvantage. How these differing representations of rap might resonate with audience members was not part of Binder's research mandate. ^ Furthermore, while she does acknowledge that ournalistic perceptions of the racial composition of the rap audience are not necessarily accurate-that more white suburban youth, even in the 1980s and 1990s, might have been consuming the music than black inner-city youth-this acknowledgment does not alter her enterprise or her argument. At this point in time, when the listening audience for rap music has both expanded and become increasingly diverse, our research concerns how young black, white and Asian rap fans in Toronto, Canada relate to a musical form still viewed primarily in terms of its criminal and resistant meanings. Researching Rap Much of the early work on audiences preoccupied itself with investigating the harmful effects of media exposure, especially the effects of depictions of violence in movies and TV on real life criminal events. Results have generally been inconclusive, with considerable disagreement in the social science research community regarding the influence of the media on those watching the large ot small screen (Curran 1990; Abercrombie and Longhurst 1998; Freedman 2002; Sacco and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003; Newman 2004; Savage 2004; Longhurst 2007). Listening to Rap †¢ 695 Listening to popular music has, on occasion, been said to produce similarly negative effects, although these too have proven difficult to verify. For example, in one high profile case in the 1980s, the heavy metal band Judas Priest was accused of producing recorded material (songs) that contained subliminal messaging diat led to the suicides of two fans. This claim was not, however, legally validated because the judge hearing the case remained unconvinced about a causal linkage between the music and the self-destructive behavior of two individuals (Walser 1993). Strong arguments for the ill effects of media consumption rest on the assumption that audiences are easily and direcdy influenced by the media, with frequent analogies made to hypodermic syringes that inject messages into gullible and homogenous audiences (Abercrombie and Longhurst 1998; Alexander 2003; Longhurst 2007). In contesting this view of audience passivity, critics also propose that texts are open to more than one interpretation. Again, TV udiences have been studied more frequently than audiences for popular music, although research on the latter has illustrated how song lyrics are not necessarily construed the same way by adolescents and adults. Research conducted by Prinsky and Rosenbaum (1987) indicates that songs identified by adults as containing deviant content (references to sex, violence, alcohol and drug use, Satanism) were not similarly categorized by adolescents. Evidence that there are diflferent ways of watching television or listening to recorded music has led to an alternative conception of audiences-one more concerned with what audiences do with the media than what the media does to audiences. The development within communications research of the uses and gratifications model (McQuail 1984) is one result, with TV once more the media form most commonly investigated. Nonetheless, a few studies have documented how young people listen to popular music in order to satisfy needs for entertainment and relaxation (among other priorities), and utilize it as an accompaniment to other everyday activities, such as homework and household chores (Roe 1985; Prinsky and Rosenbaum 1987). More recent research has added identity construction as a need that popular music might fill for young listeners (Roe 1999; Gracyk 2001; Laughey 2006). One particular usage emphasized by British cultural Marxists associated with the now defunct Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies has focused attention on how active media audiences counter dominant cultural messages in their consumption of popular culture. In what has, by now, become a familiar story, a series of music-based, post-war youth cultures (Teddy Boys, Mods, Rockers, Skinheads, Punks) in the United Kingdom have been represented as symbolically resisting the dominant normative order (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1979). This argument has, however, relied on a reading of cultural texts and artifacts for its evidentiary base, rather than observations of, or information from, subcultural participants themselves (Cohen 1980; Frith 1985; Tanner 2001; Bennett 2002; Alexander 2003). 696 †¢ Social Forces 8S(2) More recently, the utility of the term subculture for understanding young people's collective involvements in music has been questioned. The focus of this criticism is, once again, the Birmingham school and its conceptualization of subculture. Its critics argue that, nder conditions of post modernity, music audiences have fragmented, and young people are no longer participants in distinctive subcultural groups (Bennett 1999b; Muggleton 2000). Instead of subcultures, they are now involved v^^ith neo tribes and scenes (i. e. , Bennett 1999b; Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004; Hesmondhalgh 2005; Longhurst 2007; Hodkinson 2008). Post subcultural research has been much less inclined than the Birmingham era researchers to decode and decipher texts, and much more likely to engage in ethnographic studies of music and youth groups (Bennett 2002). However, while there has been occasional work on modes of (female) resistance in the â€Å"tween scene† (Lowe 2004) and â€Å"riot girrrl scene† (Schily 2004), there has been no equivalent research on rap scenes and resistance. Examinations of audience receptions of rap are not numerous and have been of two main kinds: a few studies have explored how young people perceive and evaluate the music, while others have studied the harmful effects of rap by trying to link consumption of the music with various negative consequences. An early study by Kuwahara (1992) finds rap to be more popular with black than white college students, and more popular among males than females. However, reasons for liking the music varied little by race, with both black and white audience members prioritizing the beat over the message. A more recent study by Sullivan (2003) reports few racial differences in liking the music, although black teenagers were more committed to the genre and more likely to view rap as life affirming (Berry 1994) than those from other racial backgrounds. In a small but important study conducted in California, Mahiri and Connor (2003) investigated 41 black middle school students' perceptions of violence and thoughts about rap music. In focus group sessions and personal interviews, informants revealed a strong liking for rap music, valuing the fact that it spoke to their everyday concerns about growing up in a poorly resourced community. They did not, however, like the way that rap music on occasion (mis)represented the experiences of black people in the United States. They challenged the misogyny evident in some rap videos and rejected what they saw as the glamorization of violence. Overall, their critical and nuanced engagement with rap music fitted poorly with depictions of media audiences as easily swayed by popular culture (Sacco 2005). The search for the harmful effects of rap music has yielded no more definitive results than earlier quests for media effects. While some studies report evidence of increased violence, delinquency, substance use, and unsafe sexual activity resulting from young people's exposure to rap music (Wingood et al. 2003; Chen et al. 2006), other researchers have failed to find such a link or have exercised extreme caution when interpreting apparent links. One review of the literature, conducted in the 1990s, could find a total of only nine investigations-all of them Listening to Rap †¢ 697 mall-scale, none involving the general adolescent population-and concluded that there was an even split hetween those that found some sort of an association between exposure to the music and various deviant or undesirable outcomes, and those that could find no connection at all Moreover, in those studies where the music and the wrongdoing were linked, investigators were very circumspect about whether or not they were observing a causal relationship, and if so, which came first, the music or the violent dispositions (Tatum 1999 ). A mote recent investigation conducted in Montreal is illustrative of such interpretative problems. While a preference for rap was found to predict deviant behavior among 348 Frenchspeaking adolescents, causal ordering could not be established, nor an additional possibility ruled out: that other factors might be responsible for both the musical taste and the deviant behavior (Miranda and Claes 2004). The notion that rap is or can be represented as cultural resistance-the counter frame identified by Binder-has become increasingly prominent in the rap literature over the past 20 years (Rose 1994; Krims 2000; Keyes 2002; Quinn 2005). In his influential book. Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wankstas, Wiggers, Wannabes, and the new Reality ofRace in America, Kitwana (2005) expounds at length on his emancipatory view of rap's history and development. Kitwana sees hip-hop as a form of protest music, offering its listeners a message ofresistance. He also makes the additional claim that the resistive appeal of hip-hop is not restricted to black youth. Indeed, as the tide of his book suggests, he is patticularly interested in the patronage of rap music by white youth, those young people who might be seen as the contemporary equivalents of Mailer's â€Å"White Negro† or Keys' â€Å"Negro Wannabes. (Keyes 2002:250) In his view, the global diffusion of rap rests on the music's capacity for resonating with the experiences ofthe downtrodden and marginalized in a variety of cultural contexts. Quinn (2005) similarly explains the crossover appeal of gangsta rap in the United States in terms ofthe â€Å"common sensibilities and insecurities shated by post Fordist youth. † She continues: â€Å"many young whites, facing bleak labor market prospects, were also eager for stories about fast money and authentic belonging to ward off a creeping sense of placelessness and dispossession. (Quinn 2005:85-86) Thus, rap's appeal is as much about class as it is about race. Nor is the resistive view of rap restricted to the North American continent. At least one French study-conducted in advance ofthe riots in the fall of 2005 -has noted how French Rap has become the music of choice for young people of visible minority descent who have grown up in the suburban ghettos (Les Cities) of major cities. They have been routinely exposed to police harassment on the streets, subjected to prejudice and discrimination at school, and struggled to find decent housing and appropriate jobs (Bouchier 1999, cited in Miranda and Claes 2004). The idea that popular music might serve as an important reference point for rebellious or resistive adolescents is not a new one. As we have already noted, this is how a British school of subcultural analysis once interpreted the cultural activity of wotking-class youth in the United Kingdom (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 698 †¢ Social Forces 88(2) 1979). Some attempt has been made to understand rap fandom in similar terms. Bennett's (1999a) ethnographic study, set in Newcastle, reveals how one group of white rappers translate the racial politics of blacks into the language of class divisions in the United Kingdom. However, for the most part there has been limited application of this kind of analysis to young people's involvement with rap music. Rap scholars who construe the music as an authentic expression of cultural resistance directed against exploitation and disadvantages at school, on the streets, or in the labor market, do so primarily without much input from the young people who make up its listening audience. Because they have not often been canvassed for their views about the music, we do not know to what degree they share in or identify with the message of resistance readily ound in content analysis of the rap idiom (Martinez 1997; Negus 1997; Krims 2000; Stephens and Wright 2000; Bennett 2001; Sullivan 2003; Kubrin 2005; Quinn 2005; Lena 2006). Thus contemporary rap scholarship follows British subcultural theory in gleaning evidence of resistance from the texts, not the audience. Resistance is sought, and found, in the words and music rather than in the activities and ideologies of subcultures or audience members. We can suggest, echoing Alexander's (2003) earlier critique of British cultural studies, that the audience for rap music has been theorized rather more thoroughly than it has been investigated. The Present Study The present study is concerned with three key questions: First, is there a relationship between audiences for rap and representations of the music? Second, as compared to other listening audiences, are serious rap fans participants in cultures of crime and resistance? Third, if such a link is found, what are the sources of variation in their participation in these cultures of crime and resistance? The need to address these questions, as we see it, emerges from several limitations in the existing research on rap. These limitations are as follows: First, there is a significant disjuncture between dominant representations of the music as a source of social harms and evidence unambiguously supportive of this proposition. Second, the case for a resistant view of rap music is usually advanced, as we have already intimated, by examination of the designs and intentions of musical creators, both artists and producers, as well as music critics. We do not know whether or not resistant messages register and resonate with those who listen to the music. Third, we do not have an accurate gauging of the sociodemographic composition, particularly racial and ethnic, of the audience for rap music. Rap's dominance of the youth market is widely understood as a crossover effect-the original black audience now joined by legions of white fans (Spiegler 1996; Yousman 2003). However, purchasing habits-the usual arbiter for claims about rap's increasing popularity with white consumers-may not be an entirely reliable measure of either rap's popularity or racial and ethnic variations therein (Krims 2000; Quinn 2005). The system devised by the recording industry to gauge record Listening to Rap †¢ 699 sales-Nielson Soundscape-does not gather data on the race, or indeed any other personal characteristic, of purchasers. What it does do is categorize sales in terms of whether they were made in retail stores in high-income locations or in lowincome locations. Record companies, journalists or academics then choose to equate those high-income sales with white suburban youth, and low-income sales with inner-city black youth, but are doing so without any direct measures of the racial background or identity of buyers (Kitwana 2005). Moreover, it has been argued that sales figures â€Å"under represent the taste preferences of the poor. † (Quinn 2005:83) As Rose (1994) explains it, in the black community, particularly in impoverished neighborhoods, many more rap CDs are listened to than bought-a single purchase being passed on from one fan to another. Similarly, homemade tapes and bootleg CDs are often produced and shared within local fan networks. The implications of this point are clear enough: the appropriation of rap music by suburban white teens might not be as extensive as is commonly supposed. Finally, we do not know whether or how the rap audience relates to the dominant frame of the music as a catalyst for crime and delinquency or to the counter frame of the music as an articulator of social inequity. The mainstreaming of rap may have cost the genre its underground or counter-culture status as protest music, or made it less attractive to delinquent rebels. Rap also may play no part in crime or resistance subcultures because, under post modern conditions, young people have become increasingly eclectic and individualized in their musical tastes; the close relationship between musical tastes and lifestyles, implied by subcultural theory, no longer applies. On this formulation, therefore, we would not expect to find strong connections between a preference for rap music and subcultures of crime and subcultures of resistance. On the other hand, reasons for believing that rap music may be a basis for subcultural lifestyles, at least among black youth, are more compelling. At the time that we were conducting our research there was considerable debate, in the local media and among local politicians, about issues involving race and crime-racial profiling and the desirability of collecting race-based crime statistics, for example. Contributing to this debate were findings from another study, confirming what black youths in Canada have always suspected, namely that they are much more likely to be arbitrarily stopped and searched by police officers than are members of other racial and ethnic groups-even when their own self-repotted deviant activity is statistically controlled for (Wordey and Tanner 2005). In addition, contemporaneous research on the media coverage of race and crime in Toronto newspapers carried out by Wortley (2002), found black people disproportionately portrayed in a narrow range of roles and activities (principally those involving crime, sports and entertainment) than members of other racial and ethnic groups; and when featured in crime stories, depicted primarily as offenders. Capricious policing and media misrepresentation may therefore contribute to a sense of injustice among black youth, a sense of injustice that has them gravitating to rap as an emblem of cultural resistance. 00 †¢ Social Forces SS{2) Commercial success and artistic valorization has not diminished rap music's capacity to provoke moral panic. The music is still seen as threatening, dangerous and socially damaging by many political figures and established authority. ‘ Previous research suggests that negative media coverage ofthe cultural preferences and practices of adolescents often intensifies subcultural identifications (Cohen 1973; Fine and Kleinman 1979; Thornton 1995). Rap based moral panics may therefore tighten connections between the music and delinquent lifestyles and/or resistive attitudes and behaviors. The lack of attention paid to rap's consumers renders these questions relatively open ones, the meaning of rap music still to be discovered. Methods Whereas most contemporary research on rap focuses on those who create the music-artists and producers, and those who write about it, music critics-we pose questions about rap's audience. Further, while audience studies usually employ qualitative data-gathering techniques (for example, Morley 1980; Radway 1984; Shively 1992), we use the methods of survey research. We are more concerned with how audience members interact with the music than with the issue of cause and effect. We are interested in how music might be used as a resource in their everyday lives (Willis 1990; DeNora 2000), how it might contribute to identity formation (Roe 1999) and, especially, how audiences might align themselves with (or distance themselves from) cultures of crime and resistance. Nonetheless, in our analyses, we treat rap fandom as a dependent variable. While there is considerable academic and public debate about whether music produces or is a product of cultural activities, legal or otherwise, existing research has failed to provide a compelling or consistent rationale for any particular causal logic. As we have seen, the idea that exposure to rap music causes crime is not unequivocally supported in the research literature. Research on resistant youth cultures, by contrast, is much more likely to reverse the relationship and see musical style as a result of subcultural activity (Willis 1978; Hebdige 1979). Hebdige, for example, infers that punk rock in the United Kingdom was a cultural response to the subordination of existing working-class youth groups. Laing (1985) has countered that punk the musical genre existed before punk the subculture. In the absence of agreement about the direction of the relationship between musical taste and cultural practices, our decision to operationalize rap appreciation as a dependent variable is made more for pragmatic, heuristic reasons than unassailable theoretical ones. Our strategy is to focus on listening preferences rather than purchasing habits. By asking students to report on and evaluate the music that they like, dislike and in what combinations, we gain a clearer and more detailed picture of where rap is situated in the consumption patterns of groups of students differentiated by, among other factors, their racial identity. Our goals are to: (1. distinguish students with a serious, exclusive taste for rap from more casual fans; (2. to calculate the Listening to Rap †¢ 701 size and racial makeup of rap music's prime audience; and (3. to map relationships between that core audience and resistant and delinquent repertoires. Few surveys of general populations of young people have established any kind of connection between rap and deviancy, net of other factors. We contend that rap's reputation as a corrosive force is validated by that linkage, and that without it that representation becomes more ontestable. A similar logic applies to the relationship between rap and social protest. The claim that the music carries a serious message-that it is an expression of resistant values and perceptions-is substantiated with evidence of a link between the music and a collective sense of inequity, and weakened by its absence. Data The data for this research are drawn from the Toronto Youth Crime and Victimization S tudy, a stratified cross-sectional survey of Toronto adolescents carried out from 1998 through 2000 (Tanner and Wordey 2002). Self-administered questionnaires were completed by 3,393 Toronto students ages 13-18, from 30 Metropolitan Toronto high schools in both die Cadiolic (10 schools) and larger Public School (20 schools) systems. Within each school, one class from each grade, 9 (ages 13 and 14) through 13 (ages 18 and 19), was randomly selected. The overall response rate was 83 percent (83. 4% for Catholic vs. 83. 1% for public schools), and is a conservative estimate as it was based on the number of students enrolled in each class rather than those present the day of the study. Informed consent was given for participation in the study. Surveys were completed during class under the supervision of a member of the research team (and without a teacher present) and took approximately 45 minutes to complete. The survey asked young people about a broad range of topics, including family life, educational experiences, leisure activities, delinquent involvement, victimization experiences and so forth. The survey instrument was designed by members of the research team and evolved out of a series of 11 focus groups with adolescents in Toronto schools. The completed survey was reviewed by a series of institutional ethics boards, including those at the University of Toronto, the Toronto Public School Board and the Catholic School Board. As the survey does not include high school dropouts, institutionalized youth and street youth, it is a school sample and thus any generalizations speak only to the experiences of school-based adolescents. Our sample is ethnically and racially diverse and is representative of the Metropolitan Toronto high school population. Measures Musical Preferences Guided by Bourdieu's work (1984) and Peterson's recasting of musical taste in terms of omnivorous and univorous patterns (1992), we focus our attention on 702 †¢ Social Forces 88(2] how musical choices are combined: if young people liked (or disliked) one style or genre, what other styles or genres did they like or dislike (what Van Eijck 2001 has referred to as â€Å"combinatorial logic†). Indicators of musical taste were derived from the question: â€Å"How much do you like each of the following types of music? Respondents were then asked to evaluate each of 11 contempotary musical genres: Soul, Rhythm and Blues, Jazz, Hip/Hop and Rap, Reggae and Dance Hall, Classical and Opera, Country and New Country, Pop, Alternative (including Punk, Grunge), Heavy Metal (Hard Rock), Ethnic Music (traditional/ cultural), and Techno (Dance). Musical tastes were assessed on a five-point Likert scale that addresses whether respondents liked the musical genre very mu ch, quite a lot, a little bit, not very much or not at all. Unlike previous research that dichotomized musical tastes, focusing exclusively on the musical genres most liked (Peterson and Kern 1996) or disliked (Bryson 1996), we target the level of appreciation (or lack of appreciation) each respondent has for a particular musical genre. For space considerations a detailed overview of the clustering procedure has been omitted but is available upon request. We employed a two-stage cluster analysis (hierarchical agglomerative and ^-means) procedure to derive groupings of adolescent musical tastes. Cluster analysis assembles respondents based on their common responses to questions/ measures, and is useful for identifying relatively homogenous groups, groups that are highly intetnally homogenous (members are similar to one another) and highly externally heterogeneous (members are not like members of other clusters) (Aldenderfer and Blashfield 1984). Employing cluster analysis techniques, we uncovered seven musical taste clustets. Table 1 outlines the results of our cluster analysis. The largest group (n = 616) was the Club Kids, composed of those who report an above average enjoyment of techno and dance, mainstream pop, and hip-hop and rap. Next were the Urban Music Enthusiasts (n = 605). Members of this group combined a strong appreciation of Rap and Hip Hop with considerable disinterest in most other musical styles. These adolescents are the primary focus ofthe current study. Then there was a fairly large (n = 482) group of youth, the New Traditionalists, who have an above average liking of classical music and opera, jazz, soul, R&B, country music and mainstream pop. The fourth largest (n = 425) group, the Hard Rockers, comprised a sizeable number of heavy metal and hard rock, alternative, punk and grunge fans. Then there was a surprisingly large (n = 384) group of adolescents, the Musical Abstainers, who are only marginally interested in any kind of music. The group we call the Ethnic Culturalists (n = 380) were so described because of a dominant preference for a quite wide range of ethnic music, as well as a greater than average liking for soul and R&B, jazz, classical music and opera, country music techno and dance, and mainstream pop. The smallest group (n = 338), the Musical Omnivores, was composed of those who have an above average appreciation for all 11 musical genres. These clusters vary considerably, not only in the musical Listening to Rap †¢ 703 Q-CM O O U O O U O O U O O -COIOCOCOCNJCJ>COIO † †¢ ^ – T— c3^ h ^ h†¦ c o 3†² UJ CD o .Si i -T— COCOCDCO s m eu rocMincDco -T— CMC3 co co i Q. CL tu . S o .2 U) o tu tpcooin CNJcOCOCOcdcOCMCOM-‘^COCNI co T—CMOCI5 ? CO en (U ro â€Å"o 0} Q. CL ro â€Å"o en CM CM co â€Å"cD t n tu . 2 2 Oi tn -D C to to CZJ eu co CNI co o tD tu. —. _ 2 CD â€Å"O en ! c: o c: 03 sa | ^ sV ndical . 0011 V CL ro o tu . S P o | idd tn tu V p. 704 †¢ Social Forces 8H2) likes and dislikes, but also with respect to sociodemographic, socioeconomic class indicators, and measures of school experience, cultural capital, leisure patterns and subcultural delinquency (Tanner, Asbridge and Wortley 2008). Social Injustice, Property Crime and Violent Crime The sense of injustice that rap is said to speak to often involves the dealings that young people have with the police and courts. Six items in our questionnaire invited respondents to evaluate their perceptions of the equity of the criminal justice system, fairness in the educational system, and more general perceptions of the equality of opportunity in Canada. Some of the questions addressed racebased inequality, while others invoked age, class- and gender-based discrimination. These six items were condensed into a scale and standardized (alpha = . 65) with higher values indicating greater feelings of social injustice. Respondents were also invited to report their participation in illegal activities. Our measures of crime and delinquency covered a spectrum of activities, varied by type and seriousness. Two scales items are constructed based on the following question: â€Å"How many times in the past year have you done any of the following things? Would you say never, once or twice, several times, or many times? † The first scale captures involvement in property crime, including self-reported property damage, theft under $50, breaking into a car, stealing a car, stealing a bike, breaking and entering a home, drug dealing and theft over $50 (alpha = . 6). The second scale measures violent offending and includes carrying a hidden weapon such as a gun or knife in public, using physical force on another person to get money or other things, attacking someone with the idea of seriously hurting him or her, hitting or threatening to hit a parent or teacher, getting into a physical fight with someone, and taking part in a fight where a group of friends were up against another group (alpha = . 81). SES, School Measures and Cultural Capital The impact of students' sociodemographic backgrounds is initially examined in terms of demographic variables-age, gender, Canadian identity (â€Å"Do you think of yourself as Canadian? â€Å"-a measure of perceived inclusion in Canadian society), and race. Socioeconomic status is captured through indicators of parents and family situation, and includes measures of parental educational attainment (whether or not they had attended postsecondary education), family intactness (whether or not respondents grew up in a two-parent household), a measure of subjective social class based on perceptions of family income. Next we include a set of measures related to educational attainment, experiences and expectations: self-reported grades (proportion receiving mostly As), skipping school, suspension from school, educational stream (general or academic stream) and a more evaluative question about the degree of importance that young people attached to education. Listening to Rap †¢ 705 Finally, we include a measure of respondents' own cultural capital activities. While mainly used as an explanation of educational and occupational attainment (DiMaggio 1982; DiMaggio and Mohr 1995; Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997), measures of cultural capital have also been deployed to uncover dispositions, or orientations, towards the arts (Bourdieu 1984; Swartz 1997). We use it here as a further measure ofthe characteristics and lifestyles ofthe audience for rap-its possession bestowing status upon individuals and the music that they listen to, its absence denoting the opposite. Our seven-item cultural capital index comprises both traditional highbrow pursuits-going to the symphony, visiting museums-and the sorts of respectable leisure activities (playing a musical instrument, attending cultural events, going to the library, reading a book for pleasure and hobbies) that contribute to the cultural resources available to young people. The sum of these seven items is standardized and has an alpha of . 65. Descriptive statistics and other details on all measures can be found in Appendix A. Analytic Procedure Multivariate logistic regression is employed in four separate analyses. First, a strong preference for Rap and Hip/Hop-being an Urban Music Enthusiast-is regressed on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures. Next, we regress being an Urban Music Enthusiast on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures for three racial groups-white, black and Asian/South Asian youth. For each racial group we run four separate models that include baseline measures only, followed by models that add social injustice, property crime and violent crime. All analyses were conducted with the Stata 8. computer program (StataCorp 2001) using the survey commands that account for intra-cluster correlation due to the complex sampling strategy. Results We can quickly confirm the enormous popularity of rap with our respondents. It has the highest average approval rating of any musical genre, with some 33 percent of students saying that they liked it â€Å"very much,† and 21 percent saying that they liked it â€Å"quite a lot. † Rap clearl y appeals to a broad range of young listeners and is, therefore very much part of a common music culture among high school students. But our cluster analysis (Table 1) also isolates a group of students who enjoy rap music and little else. Examining the approval radng for each music genre relative to the cluster means, where scores approaching 1 indicate a strong approval ofthe genre, and scores approaching 5 indicate a strong dislike, demonstrates that Urban Music Enthusiasts have a strong preference for rap and hip-hop, reggae and dance hall; a more moderate liking for soul and R&B, and a below average liking for all other musical genres. We think that our Urban Music Enthusiasts fit the profile of music univores-individuals who appreciate a few musical styles while disliking everything 706 †¢ Social Forces mi) else-as described in the research of Peterson (1992) and Bryson (1997). Bryson links univorous taste among American adults to low status, particular racial and ethnic groups, and regional differences. She also notes that univorous taste, when compared to omnivorous taste, is more likely to be related to what she calls â€Å"subcultural spheres. † (Bryson 1997:147) Our Urban Music Enthusiasts appear to be rap univores who may also be adhering to â€Å"sub-cultural spheres. Of the 605 Urban Music Enthusiasts in our sample, 275 {A6%) are black, 117 (19%) are white, 115 (19%) are Asian or South Asian, and 98 (16%) are from other racial groups. These figures tell us that young black people still comprise the central component of the rap audience; moreover, roughly 57 percent of black youth is Urban Musi c Enthusiasts). At the same time, we observe evidence of a significant racial crossover. White Urban Music Enthusiasts constitute 8. 6 percent of the white students in our sample, while Asian Urban Music Enthusiasts make up 9. 5 percent of all Asian students. The racial composition of the Urban Music Enthusiast taste culture prompts two further questions: Eirst, of the black students surveyed, what factors in addition to race predict their univorous interest in rap? Second, of white and Asian students, what factors encourage their involvement in an essentially black music culture, an involvement that clearly sets them apart from other white and Asian students? Table 2 provides results for Urban Music Enthusiasts membership regressed on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures, with separate analyses for white, black and Asian/South Asian young people. Paying particular attention to the findings for each racial group, what is common to all three groups of Urban Music Enthusiasts is that, compared to other students in our sample, they are poorly endowed with cultural capital and are not especially good students. Few other background factors have any significant or consistent impact upon a disposition towards Urban Music. For white students, parental SES, family structure and subjective social class, have no bearing upon their musical preferences, whereas school suspension and poor grades are strong predictors. For black students. Urban Music enthusiasm is more common among younger students and those less likely to identify as Canadian. Being a black youth identified as an Urban Music Enthusiast is also strongly related to growing up in a single-parent family and skipping school. For their part, Asian/South Asian youth are something of an anomaly-among them. Urban Music Enthusiasm is positively associated with social class and having well-educated mothers-but like other Urban Music Enthusiasts it is also strongly related to school suspension and skipping school. We are less interested, however, in the sociodemographic and socioeconomic factors that may lead to being an Urban Music Enthusiast than in the relationship between being a Urban Music Enthusiast and representations of rap-either as part of a culture of resistance and/or as a basis for subcultural delinquency. Tables 3 through 5 describe the distribution of being an Urban Music Enthusiast across three racial groups (white, black, Asian/South Asian) as shaped by perceptions Listening to Rap †¢ 707 I i I u (O re (/> CO o (U 1. 76 4. 37 ,01a ‘V— re . r; o — U; c n t – – CO CO cr; – ^ †¢ ^ CD – ^ CO CO CD CM CNl T – CD CN? -â€Å"i^ CO CNJ – . CNj CO r-1 †¢2 . o o CO CO c n 0 5 t-~- M – ,59c ,55c I CO ro ro CNl CD c n r— CO CZ> CO CO CNJ cu CD CO CO CNl CO o CNI m E cn o O) T— †¢T— LO r CO CNl CN LO CD CZ> CM LO †¢Ã‚ «Ã¢â‚¬â€ e n LO CO CD LO CM †¢ ‘o ro CNJ †¢ c n CO CO u o O r-. – CO h ~ T— CO CM -sj- CO CO CO ,41 ro CO u o u CO CO CO ^ – CO LO o ro ro CM LO T – CO T— c u LO c n -. 11 -3. 67 Tl- CNl l CO cp h.. – LO cn CO T— LO CO CO †¢ C35 CNJ CNl C D CO h— CJ) †¢ ^ CO CD LO CNl c n CO LO CNl c n CI3 c n r— CO CD – ^ CO CO ‘ ‘ T-^ CU T— CO CO r l CO CD CO h-^ CO J ro c j o LO LO r~- I— CO CT> CO LO CD CO †¢ o> I— co O5 o> lO Tt lO t^ †¢*†¢ CM t ^ co LO r T co CD csi ro g ‘†¢ co E Q: S o 0 ~ ~ CM †¢ 05 EntlNusi ts Memi nd Vioie Prop iociai Stice t-ratlo _o >, 0 E o. E Q. / fV le 0 S ^^ 0  « †¢rat †¢g CO t-~ - «aO5 CIS co co CM r~. – ^ CM r – i r j co cz> †¢ ^ co co OO m LO co r-.. co †¢ ^ T — en lO CM LO † CO o †¢ †¢ – r— cz; CM r— UO OO T l – I— CD ^ 1 – LO CD T— O ‘ CSI CO CO T T- T-^ OO ^ CO oq – ^ †¢ LO O I— ^† 05 †¢ h – co LO C3 CSl i T-^ c s i T-^ ‘ c s i re re 3 s o: 0 CM LO †¢;* O; CD CD CJ C 3 CO T— CO – ^ co Ti† i^.. OO co T – 1 ^ CM CD O ) OO CD co eu r O r co CD ci> u 3 S ice a Bas iViod _o d) ro .? † 5 ‘S V 3 iO r- co CM CM LO CD CD CM LO †¢ < – CD LO co o LO T^ T-^ T^ cri i~~- c o h – †¢>— c o CM – †¢ – o ^ – CD CM OO h-; oq CO csi T-: csi T-^ ‘†¢ CD †¢s c 0 ?ai ir 1 ? ir _3 s oc 0 CSJ T— I— CD CD c o CN – ^ co OO co i csi CSI C3 co CD T t co O; CD o 3 o u 0 coiSS ? 3 (O re à ‚ «^ CL O) O a; ro .^ re 0) Logi! .†¢^ O fe 5 5 ID ? -O ^Et » {‘iyMA-d3. †¢ 1997. â€Å"What About the Univores? Musical Dislikes and Group-Based Identity Construction Among Americans with Low Levels of Education. † Poetics 25(2-3): 141-56. 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Descriptive Statistics for all Measures Variables Independent Measures Age Gender Do you identify yourself as Canadian Race Coding Years Male Female Mean/ Cases Percent 3331 1696 1700 2533 16. 62 49. 9 50. 1 74. 8 25. 39. 4 14. 2 11. 5 19. 3 15. 7 31. 5 68. 4 27. 0 73. 0 76. 7 23. 3 3. 26 Yes No White Black Asian South Asian Other 850 1334 Father Received Postsecondary Education Mother Received Postsecondary Education Two-Parent Family 480 391 653 531 1073 2327 Subjective Social Class 1 (poor) to 5 (rich) Z-score Cultural Capital Leisure (index o f frequency of involvement in playing a musical instrument, attending cultural events, volunteering, going to meetings/ belonging to organizations, going to the library, going to the symphony or opera, going to the museum, reading a book for pleasure, and involvement with hobbies, with an a=. O). Have been suspended from school at least once Have skipped school at least once Primarily receive â€Å"A† Grades Educational Stream Education is Important Part of Life Yes No Yes No Yes No 917 2483 2609 791 3032 3325 Yes No Yes No Yes No Educational General 450 2950 2493 907 1092 2308 2642 13. 2 86. 8 73. 3 26. 7 32. 1 7. 9 78. 0 22. 0 71. 8 28. 2 18. 7 81. 3 736 2309 Yes No 905 605 2625 3277 Dependent Measures Yes ~ Urban Music Enthusiasts No Social Injustice (index of amount of agreement or Z-score disagreement regarding the following statements: people from my racial group are more likely to be unfairly stopped and questioned by the police than people from other racial groups; discrimination makes it hard for people from my racial group to find a good job; discrimination makes it difficult for people from my racial group to get good marks in school; students from rich families have an easier time getting ahead than students from poor families; everyone has an equal chance of getting ahead in Canada; it is rare for an innocent person to be wrongly sent to jail, with an a=. 65). continued on the following page 722 †¢ Social Forces 88(2] Appendix A. ontinued Coding Variables Independent Measures Property Crime (index of frequency of involvement Z-score in breaking into cars, minor theft under $50, property damage, stealing bikes, breaking and entering into homes, ste aling cars, major theft over $50, and drug dealing, with an pi=. 86), _ . ^ Violent Crime (index of frequency of carrying a hidden Z-score weapon like a gun or knife in public, using physical force on another person to get money or other things; attacked someone with the idea of seriously hurting that person, hit or threatened to hit a parent or teacher, getting into a physical fight with someone, and taken part in a fight where a group of friends were up against another arouD. with an a=. 81). Mean/ Cases Percent 3344 3288 Copyright of Social Forces is the property of University of North Carolina Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or